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ARCH.2013.5.20, Rendition: 801287
The image contains a page from a magazine or journal article dated June 1976. The text discusses the issue of bribery in the arms industry, particularly focusing on Lockheed, a major U.S. defense contractor.
Key points from the text include:
Lockheed's Bribery Practices:
Impact on Defense Policy:
Economic Dependence:
Current Climate of Bribery:
Legal and Ethical Considerations:
Overall, the text critically examines the pervasive issue of bribery in the arms industry and its implications for defense policy and international relations.
The image is a page from a June 1976 news article discussing bribery and corruption within the arms industry. Here are the key points:
Background on Lockheed's Dealings:
Corporate Influence and Bribery:
Impact on Foreign Policies:
Consequences at Home:
Broader Implications:
Legal and Political Discussions:
The overall tone is critical, highlighting the detrimental effects of corporate bribery on U.S. defense policies and international relations.
Herman Weisbrod, Lockheed persuaded him to double-deal Northrop. Weisbrod then—according to Lockheed's Kochian—bribed Bernhard, Prince Consort to Queen Juliana of the Netherlands, to enlist his support for the F-104. Bernhard was a perfect contact. Born of a royal German family, he had fought against Hitler and was greatly respected in Europe. After World War II, he became a leading conservationist and a promoter of charitable causes. Most important to Lockheed, he was well thought of as the inspector general of the Dutch armed forces.
Married to Queen Juliana, one of the wealthiest individuals in the world, Prince Bernhard had developed expensive tastes. His services were not cheap. His support allegedly cost Lockheed $1.1 million in under-the-table money. But, like Kodama, he was produced, and the Netherlands purchased the F-104.
There is also evidence that Franz Josef Strauss, defense minister of Germany in the early Sixties and now leader of the Christian Socialist Union Party, received substantial payments from Lockheed. This is hotly denied by Strauss. But Ernest Hauser, a Lockheed salesman in Germany, kept a diary of his dealings with him, which, along with Hauser's own statements to American journalists, seems to involve Strauss.
In any event, Lockheed was successful in selling 1,200 Starfighters to a consortium of European countries, including the Netherlands and West Germany. Later, Lockheed's success spread to the southern flank of NATO in a large sale of F-104s to Turkey. And this sale, too, was made with the help of $876,000 in “gifts” to Turkish officials. A Lockheed document refers to this money by saying, “As you know, this rewording of the agent's contract” will assure Nezih of a thorough- going adequate amount with which to buy real influence, not just intelligence, for which the above expenditures are being used.”
Each bribery story makes a fascinating piece of theater. But one must remember the impact these payments have on United States defense policy. They may have “softened” the governments of our allies, making a Communist takeover from within more likely. This is perhaps especially evident in Italy, where the Communists are capital- izing on the revelations of Christian Democratic corruption. And the bribes have undercut our foreign interests in Japan and the Middle East by persuading those governments to buy more arms than American foreign-policy objectives dictate.
The United States government partially blames itself for American corporate bribery that undercut our foreign and defense policies. Treasury Secretary William Simon and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger have pushed military sales as a means of achieving a better balance of payments and paying the ever- growing oil-import bill.
In July 1974, the Department of Defense sent a document called “Agents' Fees in the Mid-east” to the main American arms producers. Companies, it says, should be ready to pay more in bribes to foreign government officials in order to maximize foreign sales. It says that passing money to foreign agents will allow companies to buy more “influence” toward pushing their sales, and goes on to say: “The term ‘influence’ is used here rather loosely. To be more specific, it can range from normal friend- ships and family ties between local agents and procurement officials to the payment of substantial sums of money to individuals in high government positions with somewhat lesser amounts paid to lower echelon government officials. One local agent had admitted to the writer that he has three members of the national assembly of the country on retainer fees for the purpose of obtaining inner-circle intelligence and to promote the sales potential of his principal's product. . .influence is not always related directly to a cash gratuity. It can include the rent-free use of a villa in France or a flat in London, along with car and servants. Sometimes the government official is a silent partner in the agency or other business completely divorced from his normal activities from which he receives a financial benefit.”
Such advice gained the immediate objective of turning the United States into the world's leading arms salesman—but at a price. The governments of Japan, Italy, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, West Germany, and many more of our allies have come under suspicion of widespread graft. Probably their armed forces have been weakened by their procurement system based on bribery rather than objective planning. And, because the United States government and corporations are indistinguishable to many people abroad, both the firms and the government are now viewed as scofflaws.
The American bribes have also had a profound impact at home. Many of the moguls of United States industry have appeared in televised hearings and front- page headlines as bribers, tax evaders, and corruptors. Coupled with Water- gate's illegal campaign-contribution revelations, the bribery scandals have resulted in a growing distaste for big business.
We should ask whether it is healthy for our spirit or our economy to depend so heavily on a weapons production that has been nurtured on illegal foreign payments. The last five years have brought more than a tenfold increase in United States arms sales abroad, up from about a billion dollars in 1970 to over $12 billion in 1975. This rising production creates more arms-industry jobs and results in a political superstructure based on maintaining high levels of foreign sales.
The current climate of disgust over corporate bribery generated by the S.E.C. disclosures will soon pass and with it, one fears, the climate for reform. Unless there is new legislation within the next few months, bribery is likely to continue as a common business practice of the United States' multi- national corporations.
D. J. Houghton, chairman of Lockheed, testified that strong legislation is necessary to curb bribery by arms pro- ducers. He cited fierce competition as a bar to effective individual action by American companies. Congress, encouraged by Houghton and other leading business executives, has begun to take steps to control the practice of illicit payments by the arms industry. In the Arms Control Act of 1976, arms manu- facturers are required to make broad disclosures to the State Department and to Congress of payments to foreign government officials. Similar bills are pending in Congress, requiring dis- closure of such payments by any American firm, not just arms producers. Since most payments are to sensitive to stand sunlight, disclosure tends to kill them. Disclosure also places the burden of policing agents' payments and bribery on the recipient country, where local custom and law can best be weighed. To go further, as some suggest, and legislate that any payment considered illegal in the recipient country be also illegal in the United States would force the Justice Department into a morass of foreign law and put the United States in the ques- tionable position of enforcing foreign laws for acts committed abroad.
The sunlight of broad disclosure ap- pears to be the best remedy.
JUNE 1976 31
The image is a page from a magazine or journal article dated June 1976. The article discusses the issue of bribery by American corporations, particularly focusing on defense contractors and their foreign arms sales.
Historical Context of Bribery:
Extent and Impact of Bribery:
Governmental and Societal Implications:
Economic and Legislative Responses:
Calls for Reform:
The overall tone of the article is critical of the widespread bribery practices among American defense contractors and calls for greater transparency and reform to restore trust and integrity in international business dealings.
The image contains an excerpt from a June 1976 article discussing the Lockheed bribery scandal and its implications for U.S. foreign policy and business practices.
Lockheed Bribery Scandal:
Impact on U.S. Defense Policy:
Economic Impact:
Legislative Response:
Public and Political Reactions:
The article underscores the seriousness of the Lockheed scandal and its broad implications for U.S. foreign policy, economic practices, and legislative reforms.
The image is a page from a 1976 publication, likely a magazine or newspaper article, discussing the Lockheed bribery scandal. Here's a detailed summary:
Lockheed Bribery Scandal:
Impact and Response:
Conclusion:
This image shows a page from a magazine or book dated June 1976, page number 31. The content of the page is an article discussing issues about bribery involving Lockheed and its impact on international arms sales, U.S. foreign policy, and corporate practices.
Key points mentioned include:
The article presents a critical view of how corporate bribery has affected U.S. defense policy, the economy, and global arms sales, with references to specific political figures and legislation.
This image depicts a page from a publication, possibly a magazine or a report, with a column of text. The text appears to be discussing political and defense-related issues, mentioning figures like Herman Weisbrod from Lockheed and alluding to governmental and corporate affairs that involve foreign arms sales, bribery, and arms manufacturers like Northrop and Lockheed Martin.
At the top right corner, there is a graphic element that looks like a cropped image of what could be a book or report cover, with two visible colors: yellow and green, and a pattern that is not entirely discernible due to the crop. The text below this graphic element blends into a discussion about American defense policies and the impact of corruption and bribery in the arms industry, referencing events and issues from the mid-1970s.
The date "June 1976" is printed at the bottom right corner of the page, suggesting that this document was published or is discussing events from that time. There is also a page number "31" on the bottom right, indicating that this is a single page from a larger document.
The article brings up several topics of international concern, such as the activities of defense contractors, the influence of bribery on international arms sales, and the implications of these activities on U.S. foreign policy. The language of the article is critical and reflective, suggesting a reassessment of defense policies and corporate conduct.
The image shows a page from a publication dated June 1976, likely a magazine or journal, featuring a detailed article discussing corporate bribery, particularly focusing on Lockheed Corporation. The text is formatted in a standard newspaper or magazine layout, with justified text and a clean, serif font.
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Tone and Purpose:
The image depicts a page from a 1976 publication that critically examines the Lockheed bribery scandals. The article provides an in-depth analysis of how Lockheed used bribery to influence foreign governments to purchase arms, detailing the involvement of key individuals and the broader implications for U.S. foreign policy and international relations. The layout is typical of a magazine or journal, with clear text formatting and a focus on detailed, investigative reporting.
The image is a photograph of a two-page spread from a magazine or journal. The pages are filled with text, organized into columns and paragraphs, indicating an article or report. The text is dense and appears to be a detailed discussion of various topics, likely related to political or economic issues.
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Page 2:
The article appears to be a critical examination of corporate bribery, particularly within the arms industry, and the efforts to regulate such practices. It references specific individuals and companies, such as Herman Weisbrod, Lockheed, and Northrop, and discusses the involvement of political and royal figures like Queen Juliana of the Netherlands. The text highlights the role of legislative measures, such as the Arms Control Act of 1976, in addressing these issues.
The article suggests a growing public and political awareness of corporate bribery, driven by disclosures and investigations, and argues for stronger legislative action to prevent such practices. The mention of "broad disclosure" as a remedy indicates a belief in the power of transparency to combat corruption.
The image depicts a detailed and critical article on corporate bribery within the arms industry, discussing specific cases, individuals, and legislative efforts to address the issue. The text is dense and informative, providing a comprehensive overview of the topic.